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Below are the key findings on a report from the Institute for Fiscal Studies on how pensioner income and poverty has changed in recent years.
Average pensioner incomes and pensioner poverty
1. Before, and during, theGreat Recession, average pensioner incomes were catching up with working-age incomes. Between 2002–03 and 2011–12, median pensioner incomes grew by 22% (after adjusting for inflation), whereas incomes of working-age adults fell by 3%, due to slow growth prior to 2007 and big falls in incomes during the Great Recession. Poorer pensioners’ incomes were growing at a similar rate to average pensioner incomes prior to 2011, leading to relative pensioner poverty falling from 25% in 2002–03 to 13% in 2011–12.
2. Since 2011, average pensioner incomes have been growing at a similar rate toworking-age incomes. Average incomes for pensioners – which are now very similar to average incomes below state pension age – grew by 12% from 2011–12 to 2022– 23, driven by higher state and private pension incomes. This growth was almost identical to the growth in average working-age incomes of 13% over the same period – driven up by rising incomes from employment.
3. However, since 2011, income growth for poor pensioners has lagged behind the population as a whole. From 2011–12 to 2022–23, incomes for poor pensioners (at the 10th percentile of the pensioner income distribution) rose by only 5% (after adjusting for inflation). This is in part because poor pensioners have benefited from neither the rises in employment income nor the rises in private pension income that pushed up incomes for people on middle incomes.
4. This slow income growth for poorer pensioners means that relative pensioner poverty rose from 13% in 2011–12 to 16% in 2022–23, equivalent to an increase of 300,000 pensioners. A key reason for low income growth for poor pensioners has been that growth in state pension incomes has been offset in large part by falling levels of other benefits – higher state pensions increase pensioner incomes, making them increasingly ineligible for further means-tested state support. Indeed, for the poorest third of pensioners, state pensions rose by 6% between 2011–12 and 2022– 23 but total benefit incomes (including state pensions) only rose by 1%. In other words, the support that poor pensioners get from the state increasingly comes from the state pension, rather than the means-tested benefit system.
5. In the years since the onset of the pandemic (2019–20 to 2022–23), lower-income pensioners experienced higher income growth than higher-income pensioners, as they received more state support during the cost-of-living crisis and have benefited more from falling (real-terms) housing costs. Indeed, relative income poverty among pensioners fell from 18% to 16% between 2019–20 and 2022–23.
6. However, these income poverty statistics understate the financial difficulties faced by poorer pensioners, as they do not account for the fact that poorer households are more exposed to sharp rises in gas, electricity and food prices. Pensioner material deprivation – a measure of the household’s inability to afford key essentials – rose from 6% (700,000 pensioners) in 2019–20 to 8% (1 million pensioners) in 2022–23. For example, the fraction of pensioners who could not afford to keep their home warm rose from 2% to 5% (230,000 to 570,000 pensioners)
Trends in different sources of pensioner incomes
7. Before the pandemic, the average incomes of pensioners were pushed up in part by rising state pension incomes. This was due to a combination of triple-lock indexation of the basic state pension since 2011, the introduction of the new state pension in 2016, successive generations of women having spent more years in paid work, and both men and women having accumulated higher earnings-related pensions. Reforms in 2010 and 2016 also substantially boosted the state pension incomes of many women (notably by comprehensive ‘crediting’ for those who spent long periods out of paid work looking after children). As a result, the gender gap in state pension incomes has all but disappeared for those born after 1950.
8. Despite large increases in state pension incomes for women born since 1950 (and higher average household incomes among pensioners), these changes have not led to large falls in relative income poverty for these women compared with previous generations at the same age (in their late 60s and early 70s). In part this is because the reforms of 2010 and 2016 were designed to boost the incomes of (generally) women with low state pension incomes, rather than boosting the incomes of pensioners with low household incomes. It is also due to higher state pensions leading to falls in eligibility to other benefits for low-income families.
9. Rising incomes from private pensions have been the largest single contributor to growth in average pensioner incomes over the last two decades. This is a result of both gradually increasing coverage (54% of pensioners received income from private pensions in 2019–20 compared with 50% in 2002–03) and increasing amounts received (the average private pension income among those with positive incomes rose from £4,700 to £7,600 a year over this period).
10. Average income from employment (including self-employment) among those aged 66–74 has also been rising gradually over time. This is mainly due to rising employment rates but is also due to rising average earnings among those in paid work. While employment income is not the key income source in older age nor is it the key driver of changes over time, on average it makes up just over half of total household income for working households in their late 60s and early 70s.
